Police Governance And Its Future

End of the PCC Era: A Radical Shake-Up for Police Governance

The government has revealed its intention to dismantle the system of police and crime commissioners that operates in England and throughout Wales. Citing the twelve-year-old structure as an expensive and ineffective initiative, ministers are paving the way for a fundamental change in police oversight. By 2028, the duties of commissioners are slated to be transferred to regional mayors and the heads of local councils. This overhaul is designed to produce savings of at least £100 million within the span of the current parliament, with a large fraction of that money intended for frontline policing services. The Home Office asserts the new arrangement will improve accountability and create more efficient supervision by placing it with more publicly-known local figures.

An Unsuccessful Initiative

Shabana Mahmood, the home secretary, has been blunt in her criticism of the police and crime commissioner (PCC) framework, framing its creation as a poor decision by a former government. The official reasoning for the change is rooted in the system's perceived lack of impact and minimal public involvement. Data from the Home Office suggests a large segment of voters, nearly two out of every five individuals, do not even know PCCs exist. This deficiency in public awareness is made worse by persistently poor participation in PCC elections, a factor that has weakened the authority of the victors. The new measures are being framed as a vital recalibration to make police forces more directly answerable to their communities via established mayoral offices and local authorities.

The Financial Case for Reform

 primary motivation for removing the PCCs is the substantial expense tied to the framework. The government calculates that getting rid of the 37 commissioner positions along with their support offices will save the public a minimum of £100 million over this parliamentary session. A considerable share of this amount, roughly £20 million per year, will be redirected into operational services. An estimation from the Home Office suggests this yearly reinvestment could cover the costs for about 320 new police constables. Advocates for the change maintain that moving funds from administrative overhead to active policing constitutes a smarter deployment of public finances, directly tackling the demand for a greater police presence.

The Challenge of Public Recognition

The democratic authority of these elected oversight roles has been frequently called into question because of exceptionally low levels of citizen participation. Election turnout has been a constant worry since the role's beginning in 2012. During the latest elections in May 2024, the turnout average for England and Wales was a scant 23.2 per cent. In Wales, the numbers were even more dismal, with an average of just 17 per cent. Polling information further underscores the problem, with the Home Office indicating that mayors are four times more familiar to citizens than their local PCC. This pronounced gap in public knowledge has strengthened the case that the PCC structure did not forge the intended clear and answerable connection between law enforcement and citizens.

A Fresh Approach to Accountability

The government's strategy includes a staged move toward a different governance model. When the incumbent PCCs’ tenures conclude in 2028, their authority and duties will be taken on by regional mayors where such roles are established. The goal of this merger is to better coordinate crime prevention efforts with broader civic services, such as healthcare and educational programs. In regions lacking a directly chosen mayor, supervision will shift to newly formed policing and crime boards, chaired by elected council heads. This double-pronged method seeks to substitute what officials have called a defective system with a more cohesive and democratically sound structure, tying police oversight more closely to existing local governance.

The Welsh Situation

 PCCs creates a distinct collection of difficulties for Wales, as it lacks a network of regional mayors like that in England. The government has recognised these specific conditions and pledged to cooperate closely with the administration in Wales to create a fitting replacement. Sarah Jones, the policing minister, has affirmed that while the objective is to align the systems as much as possible, the particularities of Welsh devolution will be honoured. The main objective will be to guarantee that any future police governance framework in Wales is both robust and practical, preserving transparent lines of responsibility while mirroring the nation's singular administrative environment.

Assuring Continuity for Victim Support

A vital part of the PCC function has involved arranging assistance for individuals who have been victims or witnesses of criminal acts. The Home Office has taken steps to assure citizens that the removal of commissioner roles will not interfere with these essential services. Officials have pledged that provisions will be established to maintain the flow of funds and support. The task of organising these services will pass to the new supervisory bodies, be they mayoral administrations or the new local policing and crime boards. The government maintains that safeguarding and assisting those affected by crime is a top concern during this changeover.

A Divided Political Response

The news has prompted a diverse and politically charged reaction. Chris Philp, the shadow home secretary, denounced the action as merely adjusting minor details, charging the government with neglecting its fundamental duties regarding crime and law enforcement. He suggested the policy was equivalent to "rearranging the deckchairs on the Titanic." In contrast, the Liberal Democrats have praised the move, and their home affairs spokesperson, Max Wilkinson, hailed it as a significant success. The party has long pushed for the removal of what it calls a "failed Conservative initiative." They did, however, voice apprehension about giving authority to mayors who, in their view, might not have solid democratic backing or be subject to enough oversight.

Opposition from the Commissioners

The Association of Police and Crime Commissioners (APCC) has registered its firm disapproval of the proposal. The chair of the APCC and PCC for Merseyside, Emily Spurrell, conveyed profound disappointment with the new policy and criticised the absence of dialogue. She asserted that for more than ten years, directly chosen commissioners have effectively reshaped police supervision and improved aid for victims. Spurrell warned that dissolving the PCC role now, without prior discussion and at a time when public trust in policing is low, risks leaving a dangerous gap in accountability. She maintained that the change would take away a prominent local figure who is directly responsible to citizens, thus diminishing oversight and openness.

The Perspective of the Police Federation

In a complete reversal from the APCC's stance, the Police Federation of England and Wales, representing constables, sergeants, inspectors and chief inspectors, has applauded the government's plan. Tiff Lynch, the federation's national chair, called the PCC arrangement a costly trial that did not succeed. She contended that the vast sums spent on the salaries and running costs of commissioners ought to be reallocated to the police force. Lynch said the money would be better invested in making sure there are sufficient seasoned officers who have the financial means to stay in the profession and in providing improved support for those handling extreme stress.

Anxieties for Rural Areas

The Countryside Alliance has articulated particular worries that removing PCCs might have a greater negative impact on rural regions. The organisation's policy director, Sarah Lee, cautioned that the policy change could result in having the effect of muting the concerns of rural Britain regarding law enforcement. She contended that PCCs have frequently been the most immediate connection between rural populations and law enforcement decisions. Without this link, there is a worry that uniquely rural offences, like hare coursing, illegal dumping, and organised farm theft, will receive less attention. The Alliance is now advocating for protections to keep rural crime as a key national police focus within any new governance system.

Revisiting the System's Creation

The position of the elected police commissioner came into being through the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act of 2011, a key policy of the Conservative-led coalition government at the time. The inaugural elections took place in November 2012. The main goal was to substitute the old, largely unnoticed police authorities with one, directly elected person who would be more answerable to the electorate. These commissioners were granted considerable authority, such as the power to determine the local police budget, create a strategy for local law enforcement, and, importantly, to appoint and dismiss chief constables. This change was meant to bring democratic principles to policing and offer citizens a bigger role in how their locality was managed.

The Position and its Duties

PCCs were given a variety of important tasks aimed at guaranteeing the operation of an efficient and successful police force. Their chief purpose was to represent the public's interests and hold the chief constable responsible. This duty involved deciding the yearly police precept, which is the part of council tax allocated to fund law enforcement. They were also responsible for crafting a multi-year strategy for local policing priorities. Moreover, PCCs had the authority to contract a broad spectrum of services that went beyond traditional policing, such as crime prevention schemes and programs to help those affected by crime.

The Power Balance with Chief Constables

A highly debated feature of the PCC structure has been the interplay between the elected commissioners and the operationally autonomous chief constables. Although PCCs were strictly forbidden from meddling in the day-to-day operations of policing, detractors, including numerous high-ranking police officials, alleged that some commissioners went beyond their remit. The Police Federation also expressed worries that the framework might foster "personality politics" and that certain PCCs could put inappropriate pressure on chief officers to sway operational choices. This friction between democratic supervision and operational freedom has been a persistent element in discussions about the PCC system's utility.

A Pattern of Low Voter Participation

The initial PCC elections in 2012 were defined by remarkably low turnout, a pattern that has continued. Although attempts were made to elevate the position's visibility, public interest has remained consistently low. In 2016, participation saw a lift in some places because elections were held concurrently with local polls, but it was still poor overall. The 2021 elections, delayed from 2020 because of the pandemic, showed a minor uptick, but the average was still just 34.1 per cent. The latest contest in 2024 witnessed this number fall again to under 25 per cent, supporting the government's claim that the structure has not managed to secure public interest or trust.

The Move Towards Mayoral Oversight

Shifting policing authority to regional mayors is not a completely novel idea. The Mayor of London has wielded powers similar to a PCC for the Metropolitan Police since the year 2000. This approach was subsequently applied in other regions with the establishment of new mayoral combined authorities. The mayor of Greater Manchester assumed PCC responsibilities in 2017, and the West Yorkshire mayor did the same in 2021. In May 2024, the powers were also consolidated with mayoral positions in South Yorkshire and the recently formed North Yorkshire authority. The government now plans to establish this as the standard arrangement where feasible, claiming it offers a more robust and unified form of local leadership.

The Future of Police Governance

The forthcoming Police Reform White Paper is anticipated to offer greater specifics on the government's long-range plans for police supervision and accountability. For regions that will not have a regional mayor by 2028, the government intends to create "policing and crime boards." These panels will consist of leaders from top-tier local authorities. According to the policing minister, these new entities will not be a regression to the "bureaucratic and invisible" police authorities of the past. Instead, a dedicated "policing and crime lead," a position similar to a deputy mayor, will support each board to offer clear, ongoing supervision.

The Financial Picture of the Role

Analyses of the expenditures related to the administrative support for commissioners have uncovered considerable spending on personnel, expenses, and general administration. A Liberal Democrat report revealed that PCCs had cost the public more than £100 million from 2019 to 2023. These expenses have been a major focus for critics who say the funds could be used more wisely. For instance, the bill for the 2024 PCC elections alone reached at least £87 million. The government's plan will see the savings from election costs sent back to the Treasury, while the money saved from the commissioners' office operations will stay with the Home Office for direct reinvestment in policing.

Anticipating the White Paper

The declaration about ending the PCC role is only one element of a far broader agenda for police reform that the government has outlined. Shabana Mahmood, the Home Secretary, has signalled that a detailed Police Reform White Paper will be released soon. This document is set to detail the government's plan to provide police forces with the technology, new ideas, and frameworks required to tackle crime more successfully while ensuring better value for public money. The reforms will also seek to elevate national benchmarks, improve performance tracking, and put an end to what is often called a "postcode lottery" in criminal justice results.

Conclusion of a Political Era

The move to eliminate the commissioner posts represents a conclusion to a notable, albeit divisive, period in the evolution of police supervision across both England and Wales. Established with the lofty goal of boosting democratic responsibility, the position has been beset by public indifference and ongoing doubts about its value and cost. As the shift toward a different system of mayoral and council-led supervision gets underway, attention will now turn to whether this new framework can achieve what its forerunner could not. The ultimate test will be to devise a structure that not only gains public trust but also cultivates a more proficient and effective police force ready to handle modern challenges.