Mayan Languages Find a New Home

From Ancient Roots to New Homes: The Unexpected Rise of Mayan Tongues in America

People arriving from Central America and Mexico are carrying their ancestral languages to unfamiliar places. These are the languages of the Maya, and they are now heard with increasing frequency in American cities and legal settings. This linguistic journey reflects a narrative of survival, cultural endurance, and the intricate realities of contemporary migration. For a great number of these individuals, the journey is a result of hardship, a departure from adversity toward the promise of a brighter future, with their language being among the handful of items they bring with them.

A Son’s Resolve

Three days following his father’s passing, a young man named Aroldo found himself overwhelmed by sorrow. The motivation to even work the corn plots bequeathed to him by his father in their small San Juan Atitán village in Guatemala was gone. One evening, as he gazed into the wood stove's fire, the emotional toll of his loss felt profound. He understood that a change was necessary. Addressing his mother as she ate quietly, he used Mam, their hometown's Mayan dialect, to announce his plan to travel to America.

The Long Road North

His mother replied in the same Mam dialect, agreeing to make the preparations but stating that he must first complete the customary period of mourning. After a year, with relatives in California ready to welcome him, Aroldo commenced his arduous trek. The journey lasted over four months, down the Sierra Madre mountainsides, through the deserts in Mexico and across Arizona, before he finally made it to the Bay Area in San Francisco. He brought with him a cherished photograph depicting his father, a tangible connection to his heritage, and his Mam language.

A Linguistic Awakening

The language Aroldo speaks has origins that go back millennia, to the great Mayan cultures that once dominated Central America. Now, Mam and other Mayan tongues are establishing a new presence. Indigenous groups from Guatemala, Mexico, Honduras, and El Salvador are disseminating their languages throughout America as they migrate. This linguistic spread has grown so prominent that two Mayan languages, K'iche' and Mam, are now counted among the most prevalent ones found within American immigration courts, even more so than French.

A Growing Phenomenon

The expansion of these native tongues among immigrant groups from Latin America in America is a trend that academics are only just starting to comprehend fully. The consequences are significant, shedding light on the particular needs and difficulties these communities encounter. Acknowledging this linguistic evolution is vital for delivering the right kind of assistance and appreciating the vibrant cultural tapestry that is woven into the larger immigrant demographic. The vitality of these ancient forms of speech tells a deeper tale of identity and perseverance.

The Bay Area Hub

The metropolitan area of San Francisco is one of the main places where immigrants from Latin America settle. Information derived from the US Census Bureau indicates that a quarter of the populace in the Bay Area, which exceeds seven million, is Latino, with the majority tracing their lineage to Central America and Mexico. The American government, however, frequently classifies all new arrivals from this area with the single identifier "Hispanic," which is a label for individuals from nations where Spanish is the official language. Such a wide-ranging classification can be inaccurate.

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Beyond a Single Label

For numerous migrants, including Aroldo, Spanish is not the first language. It serves as a secondary mode of communication for interacting with people from outside their own local communities. A number of them have no proficiency in Spanish whatsoever and communicate exclusively in their native dialect. Tessa Scott, a linguist from the University of California, Berkeley, with a focus on Mam, points out that people who speak Mam arrive in America with experiences and backgrounds that are distinct from those of Spanish-only speakers, a difference that is erased by a single ethnic identifier.

California's New Law

In response to this situation, California enacted Senate Bill 1016, the Latino and Indigenous Disparities Reduction Act. This pioneering legislation, set for implementation in the coming years, mandates that government bodies gather more specific information on the language preferences of immigrants from Latin America. This includes native tongues like Mam, K'iche', and Zapoteco. The objective is to gain a clearer picture of these communities' particular requirements and address them, making sure they get support in the languages they are fluent in.

The Need for Nuance

Apart from requiring different kinds of interpretation, Mayan and other native immigrants confront special difficulties that are frequently missed when they are all grouped together as "Hispanic". These populations often escape severe prejudice and brutality in their countries of origin, which is a major reason for their applications for asylum in America. This background information is essential for their legal proceedings and for the provision of suitable social programs.

Hidden Hierarchies

Linguist Tessa Scott cautions that applying an umbrella classification such as "Hispanic" obscures intricate ethnic, social, and cultural stratifications. This can be a barrier for asylum applicants in obtaining the specialized aid they urgently require, including customized legal counsel and support for trauma. To offer effective help and grasp the real motivations for their migration, it is essential to first acknowledge the specific situations of native peoples like the Mam.

A Cultural Renaissance

The expansion of Mayan populations in America has also provided their ancestral languages with fresh stages, starting a new part of a deep and varied history. While the remnants of old Mayan urban centers might look like artifacts from a bygone era, a great many Mayan groups withstood the 16th-century Spanish invasion, safeguarding their traditions and tongues. Now, in locations such as the Bay Area, it's possible to hear Mayan languages broadcast over the airwaves, reported in regional news sources, and even instructed in educational settings.

A Dynamic Existence

Genner Llanes-Ortiz, a scholar of the Maya at Canada's Bishop's University, highlights the dynamism of these cultures. He notes that they are just as connected to global affairs like any other community, clarifying that Mayan languages serve not only to document their history but also to devise new solutions for contemporary problems. This shows that Mayan culture is not a static artifact but a vibrant, evolving force.

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Words on the Wind

Mayan vocabulary has historically permeated other tongues via borrowed terms associated with Mayan culture and innovations. When Spanish explorers reached the Yucatán shoreline during the 1500s, the term for lighting up dried herbs was siyar in the old Mayan tongue. This term eventually became the Spanish term cigarro and, much later, the English cigar. This linguistic trail serves as proof of the Mayan civilization's historical impact on world culture.

Chocolate, Sharks, and Storms

Cacao is another well-known loanword; it refers to the beans from which chocolate is made and was introduced to the European continent in the 1540s. The English term "shark" is also thought to stem from the Mayan xoc, which means fish. The word "hurricane" might also have origins in the name of the Maya deity of storms, Jun Raqan, although it probably traveled through other Caribbean tongues before being adopted by Spanish and English. These terms are small yet significant indicators of a profound linguistic legacy.

A Diverse Family of Languages

Currently, there are over 30 separate Mayan languages with a speaker base of no fewer than six million individuals across the globe. Although a few, like Chicomuseltec, have vanished, others, including Yucatec, K'iche', and Q'eqchi each boast nearly one million speakers. These languages all share a common ancestor, Proto-Mayan, from before 2000 BCE. They are, however, so distinct from each other that a Mam speaker would not be able to follow K'iche', a linguistic gap that Aroldo compares to the chasm between English and German.

A Lost Script Reclaimed

For almost two millennia, the Maya people had a unique method of writing, referred to as Classic Maya. This intricate script of hieroglyphs was exclusively for the role of Latin for the highest social classes, similar to Latin's role in ancient Europe. The Spanish missionaries, however, considered the glyphs to be idolatrous and methodically eliminated most of the old texts, or codices. They compelled the offspring of the Mayan ruling class to use the Latin script, which then became a tool for managing their new colonial structure.

The Code Breakers

In the 19th century, academics from the West started to give serious attention to the long-forbidden Mayan hieroglyphs. Russian and American linguists, including Yuri Knorozov, made considerable headway in translating them during the 20th century. However, the most significant advances came during the 2000s, after researchers included Mayan-descended scholars and native speakers in the work. At that juncture, the experts fully grasped that the symbols were not just abstract ideas but also phonetic syllables that created words.

A Modern Revival

Bringing in native speakers has not only pushed forward the academic work on Mayan languages but has also motivated a fresh wave of Mayan people to take back the practice of writing with hieroglyphs. Organizations such as Ch'okwoj are now organizing workshops and producing art and consumer goods featuring old Mayan symbols. Their mission is to breathe new life into the ancient writing system and pass it on to the next generations, making sure this crucial element of their cultural identity is preserved.

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The First Journeys North

At the age of five, Aroldo saw his older cousins leave from San Juan Atitán for America. For a long time, their voices were only accessible to him through cassette recordings they would send from a distant place. Scholar Genner Llanes-Ortiz says that the earliest documented Mayans who came to America came through the Bracero Program, an agreement that brought in Mexican farmhands to cover labor shortages during the Second World War. However, the most substantial migrations happened in the decades that followed, during the latter part of the 1990s and the 2000s.

A Growing Diaspora

The count of Guatemalans residing in America rose dramatically from about 410,000 in the year 2000 to almost 1.8 million in 2021, a large figure for a nation with a population of just 17 million. This group is composed of numerous Mayan people who have established communities in states such as California and Florida. This movement has been fueled by the pursuit of better economic prospects and an escape from political turmoil and bloodshed, especially during the Guatemalan Civil War, which raged from 1960 to 1996.

An Economy of Remittances

This migration has brought about a fundamental change in communities such as San Juan Atitán, moving them away from farming economies toward a heavy dependence on money sent from relatives living elsewhere. This trend is widespread across Guatemala. Currently, almost one out of every five inhabitants of San Juan goes to America or Mexico to find more lucrative employment. Silvia Lucrecia Carrillo Godínez, a Mam educator in the town, asserts that this migration is the lifeblood of their community, with many viewing it as the sole avenue for betterment.

The Oakland Connection

For a long time, San Francisco's Mayan immigrants usually resided in the Mission District. But when the price of housing surged during the 2000s and 2010s, a great many made the move to the East Bay, with a focus on the cities of Richmond and Oakland. Linguist Tessa Scott observes a "direct link to Oakland." She notes that when she is in San Juan Atitán when people ask about her home, she no longer mentions California or the US; she simply says Oakland, and they know her location instantly.

A Community Forged in Mam

In Oakland, Aroldo has become part of a neighborhood group united by Mayan customs and the Mam tongue. They observe traditional holidays and events and offer support to one another through local committees. From time to time, he gets a WhatsApp text in Mam informing the group that a member is unwell or has died. These bonds create a crucial network of support, helping to foster a feeling of belonging so far from their native soil.

Language as Solace

Aroldo, in common with numerous other migrants, regards his California residency as a temporary stage. He perceives it as an opportunity to earn money so he can eventually have enough to return to San Juan Atitán and erect a house for his own family. While he continues to grieve for his late father and misses his relatives and the mist-laden peaks of his youth, he finds a deep sense of comfort in his language.

Passing the Torch

He remarks that the presence of so many of his fellow countrymen means he seldom feels homesick and that the language itself lessens the ache of being away from his homeland. This conviction is what drives him to frequently urge his young nephew, who is a student at an English-language school located in the East Bay, to talk in Mam when they are at home. He insists to the boy that Mam holds the primary position, with Spanish and English following after, to make sure the ancestral dialect continues to flourish in a new environment.